The Internationalist Communist Group (ICG) exists since 1979 and already publishes central reviews in French, Spanish, English, Arabic, Portuguese, Hungarian, German and Kurdish. At the beginning of the history of our group, there is the centralization of a handful of proletarian militants from various continents, speaking different languages and who, from different struggle experiences, from bitter reflections about the defeats of these struggles, from proletarian ruptures - rupture with the organized exile, rupture with the democratic, pacifist and antiterrorist reabsorption - organized their convergence and have been brought to draw a whole of decisive programmatical affirmations, such the one about democracy. From the critique of democratic rights and liberties, while going through the critique of legalism, electoralism, federalism, of the polarization fascism-antifascism,... we made of our critique a always more total critique to come to the critique of democracy as way of life of the generalized merchant society, as essence of the capital reproducing its class domination. Our small group didn't have any national reality, it didn't emerge neither bounded to one country, nor referring to the history of one country. It didn't have a preliminary action in a determined country, the centralization of this action and then the necessity to go beyond this frame and pass to the international stage. When the militant action keeps, in spite of internationalist positions, as main reference frame, only one country, the international activity is then considered as a simple federative association of national organizations, as a coalition of national groups. It inevitably leads to carry a body of social-democrat positions which deny the revolutionary character of the proletarian struggle, making itself the simple negotiator of the labour force price, necessarily treating tactfully interests of the capital and of the class personifying it, the bourgeoisie. In our group, the international phenomenon and the affirmation of internationalism subsumed the national phenomenon. The effect of this was notably the fact that we organized directly at an international level; we don't first organized in a "national party" to open ourselves then to the "inter-national". We directly endowed with a central review, of course translated in various languages, but which always approach the general interests of the movement, which start from the heterogeneity of exploitation conditions of proletariat to put forward what is there common in all these conditions, the worldwide reality of the capital and therefore of the proletariat and therefore of conditions of realization for Communism. To the worldwide capital opposes the worldwide Communism. But we know that revolution is not going to develop everywhere at the same time. Nevertheless, it doesn't allow any national framing of the struggle. There is no national autonomy of revolutionary forces that it would be afterwards necessary to centralize. All national barrier acts directly against the revolution. The Communist revolution is internationalist by essence and its victory necessarily passes through its worldwide centralization. Communists who express and attempt to organize the Communist direction of the movement must therefore organize themselves directly internationally. In this perspective, our group try to assume directly at an international level a centralization of all expressions of the Communist movement, thus, we call all militants or Communist groups to lead their activity on a worldwide point of view. The centralization of Communist forces is a lifelong necessity, in a time of social peace as in an intense struggle period. Let's prepare the future, comrades! In 1989, we also published in Spanish, French and Arabic our "Theses of Programmatic Orientation". Those theses, as result of ten years of ICG's militant practice, are part of this international and permanent work of discussion, confrontation, critique and programmatical elaboration historically achieved by the revolutionary militants. Our generation of militants is heiress of the past struggles and of what the revolutionaries passed on by drawing and putting forward, from those struggles, the Communist direction of the movement. Resuming the essence of the strongest moments of rupture with the capitalistic society and assessing the successive defeats of the struggle, the Communists' theses thus affirmed themselves, took shape, all along the history of the workers' movement. Our "Theses of Programmatic Orientation" stand in this collective, historic and invariant processes trying to express theoretically the Communist practice of rupture with all the capitalistic society, and synthesize today, the main programmatical experiences drawn from all the history of struggles. But, as theoretical expressions of the real movement of abolition of the established order, those theses are evidently imperfect and incomplete and it will be like this until the total victory of the Communist revolution which will bring into light the ultimate consequences of fundamental determinations of the struggle. The positions of Communists, of which our Theses are a tentative of systematization, are not "commandments", nor a conglomerate of ideas, which, submitted to the free will would change by the wish of such or such... We don't erect our Theses as a holy text, they are not the fruit of wild ideological imaginings. They are one moment of the work of programmatical reappropriation indispensable and decisive in the practice of the proletariat fighting to endow itself of a revolutionary direction and to come forward as world historic strength. Our effort to publish our reviews in several languages comes close to the forever effort of Communists for whom the press represents an indispensable tool of revolutionary propaganda, of collective organizer, of programmatical deepening, of agitation. We already call all Communist militants to make theirs these reviews. Our texts are no one's property in particular, they are the property of a class which lives, which fights to abolish its own condition of exploited and by this all class, all exploitation. We therefore call readers to make a militant reading of these reviews; which means participate, notably by the discussion, the critique, the confrontation of positions to always more clearly draw the essence of the proletarian movement, its class objectives and methods of struggle in accordance with those objectives. It passes particulary by the distribution of these reviews, their reproduction,... the sending of critics, propositions, information about the struggles, analyses, other magazines, etc.